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23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14580 

(716)  872-4503 


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CIHM/IOMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICMH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  canadien  de  microreproductions  historiques 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes/Notes  techniques  et  bibliographiques 


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I      I    Covers  damaged/ 


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The 
to  tt 


D 
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Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 


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The 
posi 
oft! 
filmi 


Orig 
begi 
the  I 
sion 
othta 
first 
sion 
>T  ill 


D 
D 


Coloured  maps/ 

Cartes  g6ographiques  en  couleur 


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D 


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The 
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TIN! 
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y 

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20X 

24X 

28X 

32X 

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filmage. 


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empreinte. 


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shall  contain  the  symbol  -^  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED "),  or  the  symbol  V  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  applies. 


Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaitra  sur  la 
dernidre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbole  — »-  signifie  "A  SUIVRE",  le 
symbols  V  signifie  "FIN". 


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different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
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beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvert  dtre 
filmAs  A  des  taux  de  reduction  diffirents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  Atre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  clich6,  il  est  filmi  A  partir 
de  Tangle  sup6rieur  gauche,  de  gauche  A  drc  ite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  n^cessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  m6thode. 


1 

2 

3 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

?p 


CoUecUorv 


^ 


SPEECH 


OF 


MR.  YANCEY,  OF  ALABAMA 


ON  THE 


OREGON    QUESTION. 


DELIVERED 


IN   THE   HOUSB^  OF   REPRESENTATIVES, 


JANUARY  7,  1846. 


i 


I        I    I   I  ■, 


WASHINGTON: 

PRINTED  AT  THE  UNION  OFFICE. 
1846. 


■   2-/ 


On  the  n 


On  motior 

itaelf  into  C 

the  Union,  ( 

resumed  tVif 

reported  by 

viding  for 

.1827. 

Mr.  YAjN 

Mr.  CuAi 

tude  h;ive  Ix 

our  progress 

empire,  frui 

cal,  ;irid  CO 

ingrch    witl- 

fruition   of 

day,  :ir)ii  rh 

long  been  tl 

palmy  diiya 

their  seats 

Around  me 

ereign  Stat 

capable  of  f 

a  territory  \ 

of  the  earth 

strikinj?  phi 

sion,  are  an 

arc  amidst  ] 

This  mai 

the  results  t 

find  honora 

peace  whic 

pouring  fro 

ings  upon 

and  over  a 

them,    li 

commerce 

treasures, 

world  as  tl 

tended  by 

arms  and  I 

po.se,  durir 

and  spread 

quietly   bt 

commurcia 

nign  and  ii 

lect  of  our 

in  whicli  t 

hidden  anc 

th6m  subs( 

.and, aa  a ( 


SPEECH. 


On  the  resolution  giving  the  twelve  months''  notice  Jor  the  termination  of  the 


joini  occupancy  of  the  Oregon  territory. 


On  motion  of  Mr.  Yancet,  the  House  resolved 
itself  into  Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  state  of 
the  Union,  (Mr.  TiBBATTs,ofKy.,in  the  chair,)  and 
resumed  the  consideration  of  the  joint  resolution 
reported  Wy  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs,  pro- 
viding for  the  termination  of  the  convention  of 
1827. 
Mr.  YANCEY  said- 
Mr.  Chairman:  Events  of  no  ordinary  magni- 
tude h(i  ve  heen  rapidly  thickening  around  tlie  path  of 
our  progress  as  a  nation.  But  yesterday,  a  magnificent 
empire,  fruitful  in  ail  the  elements  of  moral,  politi- 
cal, ;irid  commercial  greatness,  obtained  peaceful 
ingrcf  within  the  pale  of  our  liberties,  and  a  full 
fruitioi.  of  our  laws  and  institutions.  But  yester- 
day, aril,  the  representatives  of  a  land,  which  had 
long  been  ihe  El  Dorado  of  Spanish  hopes  in  the 
palmy  (liiys  of  that  once  splendid  monarchy,  took 
their  scats  in  the  councils  of  the  federal  Union. 
Around  mcl  see  the  representatives  of  several  sov- 
ereign States — of  States  carved  frjm  a  territory 
capable  of  fi'rnishing  to  the  Union  as  many  more — 
a  territory  which  is  drained  by  the  mightiest  rivers 
of  the  earth,  whose  sources,  in  the  beautiful  and 
Striking  phraseology  of  another  upon  another  occa- 
sion, are  amidst  perpetual  snows,  but  whose  outlets 
ai*c  amidst  perennial  flowers. 

This  magnificent  picture,  sir,  is  but  a  grouping  of 
iheresuUs  of  peace — of  a  peace  honorably  formed, 
find  h()nora!)Iy  kept,  with  the  whole  world—of  a 
peace  which  is  shedding  its  radiant  influences,  and 
pouring  from  its  "horn  of  plenty"  its  choicest  bless- 
ings u[)on  institutions  framed  to  receive  them, 
and  over  a  people  capable,  I  trust,  of  appreciating 
them.  It  has  been  a  peace  which  has  enabled  our 
commerce  to  explore  every  se;i  in  search  of  their 
treasures,  and  our  flag  to  become  known  to  the 
world  as  that  of  a  people  whose  dominions  are  ex- 
tended by  civilization  and  by  reason,  and  not  by 
arms  and  by  blood.  It  has  been  to  us  a  period  of  re- 
pose, during  which  our  canvass  has  been  unfolding 
and  spreading  its  snowy  sheets  over  every  wave, 
quietly  bat  effectually  "driving  England  from  her 
commercial  supremacy  on  the  deep.  Under  its  be- 
nign and  inspiring  influences  the  energies  and  intel- 
lect of  our  people  have  been  directed  into  channels 
111  which  they  have  developed  many  of  the  hitherto 
hidden  and  mysterious  powers  of  nature,  and  made 
th6m  subservient  to  the  great  interests  of  humanity; 
and,  as  a  part  of  these  results,  we  can  now  see  the 


magnificent  ship,  with  every  sail  furled,  moving 
with  silent  and  terrible  majesty  into  the  very  teetli 
of  the  wind,  as  if  propelled  alone  by  the  unseen, 
and  submerged  hand  of  Neptune,  and  dashing  op- 
posing waves  in  angry  spray  from  her  prow — while 
intelligence  is  speeding  from  city  to  city  upon  the 
wings  of  the  lightning! 

It  has  been  a  peace,  which,  as  if  to  laugh  to  scorn 
the  bounties  of  war,  has  given  to  us  territory  after 
territory  more  magnificent  in  domain,  and  more 
pregnant  with  national  grandeur,  than  any  that  the 
blood-dripping  eagles  of  imperial  Rome  ever  flew 
over  in  their  conquering  and  devastating  career. 

Yet,  though  these  are  the  fruits  of  such  a  policy,  I 
see  around  me  crowds  of  American  statesmen, 
yearning  to  brenk  this  mighty  and  glot<ous  spell, 
whose  hearts  are  panling  for  war,  whose  hands  itch 
to  grasp  the  sword,  \fhosc  feet  arc  raised  to  trample 
the  olive  branch,  whose  every  impulse  is  to  grap- 
[)le  with  England,  to  decide  by  tie  terrible  law  of 
arms  ,a  territorial  right. 

Sir,  I  respect,  though  I  must  disapprove  of,  the 
feeling  which  animates  the  men  of  the  West  on 
this  question.  Sympathy  for  their  friends  in  the 
fcir-off  Oregon;  impatience — indignant  imp:\tience, 
it  may  be — at  any  restraint  which  England  may 
have  thrown  in  the  way  of  a  full  iissertion  of  our 
rigiits  there;  and  a  longing,  natural  to  brave  hearts, 
to  avenge  the  oppressions  whish  that  haughty  pow- 
er may  have  committed  for  centuries  upon  the  na- 
tions of  the  earth,  arc  all  feelings  which,  however 
much  I  may  deem  well  calculated  to  cloud  the  judg- 
ment upon  a  matter  of  such  grave  import,  arc  likewise 
well  calculated  to  elicit  a  sympathetic  response 
from  every  American  heart.  Strong,  too,  in  all 
the  elements  of  greatness  and  strength,  we  may 
not  fear  a  contest  with  any  nation. 

But  we  should  be  careful  lest  prosperity  and  con- 
tinued success  should  blind  us  to  consequences — 
lest,  in  our  pride,  we  fall,  Sir,  it  cannot  be 
treason — it  cannot  be  cowardly — it  cannot  be  un- 
wise, for  us  calmly  and  dispassionately  to  consider 
our  true  position  in  this  matter;  and  I  beg  of  our 
friends — of  the  West  in  particular,  (and  surely  a 
southron  may  well  claim  that  sacred  relationship 
to  the  sons  of  the  West,)  that  if  some  of  us  of  the 
South  are  disposed  to  put  a  curb  on  this  hot  impet- 
uosity, we  shall  not  be  deemed  their  enemies 
on  this  oreat  issue.  Like  them,  I  am  for  all  of  Ore* 
gon.    With  them,  I  believe  our  title  to  it  to  be  com- 


:>0 


plete  against  the  world.  . \»y  only  desire  is,  that  we 
90  reeulatc  our  movements  as  to  be  able  to  secure  it 
all.  To  do  so  is  not  without  great  difficulty.  On 
whichever  side  you  turn  that  difficulty  suires  you 
in  the  lacc  To  overcome  it  requires  moderation — 
calculation  as  well  as  Armness.  Haste  and  impet- 
uous valor  may  lose  us  ail,  or  give  us  but  a  parL 

1  desire  to  give  a  very  brief  review  of  tJie  manner 
in  which  we  have  become  co  ected  witli  En{;land 
in  this  matter.  Asserting  our  title  as  derived  from 
discovery,  exploration,  and  settlement, we  were  con- 
fronted Ijy  England,  claiming,  through  a  convention 
entered  into  between  her  ana  Spain,  and  commonly 
called  the  Nootka  Sound  convention,  a  right  of  joint- 
ly occupying  the  country  of  Oregon,  and  therefore 
opposing  any  exclusive  possession  in  us.  Unable 
to  settle  the  difference  satisfactorily  and  amicably, 
on  the  20th  of  October,  1818,  both  parties  agreed  to 
a  convention,  which  left  the  tiUe  in  abeyance,  but 
gave  to  the  citizens  of  both  countries  the  right  of 
entering,  trarling,  &c.,  for  the  space  often  years. 

Shortly  afterwards,  on  the  22d  of  February  1819, 
Spain  ceded  to  the  United  States  all  her  rights  to  any 
territory  on  the  Pacific  coast,  north  of  latitude  forty- 
two  degrees.  We  thus  became  possessed  of  all  the 
rights  to  the  territory  of  Oregon,  save  such  as  Cfreat 
Britain  might  deduce  fl-om*the  Nootka  Sound  con- 
vention; und»r  wht)kh  she  only  claims  a  right  of 
joint  occupancy,  e34)res8ly  admitting,  as  I  under- 
stand her,  that  she  has  no  exclusive  title  to  one  inch 
of  the  territory. 

Two  other  attempts  at  settling  this  question  be- 
tween us  having  failed,  on  the  Cth  of  August,  1827, 
this  joint  convention  was  indefinitely  renewed;  a 
provision  being  inserted,  however,  that  either  party 
might  terminate  it,  by  giving  to  the  other  twelve 
months'  notice  of  the  intention  to  do  so. 

This  convention,  then,  and  its  renewal,  was  the 
result  of  a  failure  to  reconcile  the  conflicting  claims 
of  the  two  governments  in  1818, 1824,  and  1826.  in 
1818,  Mr.  Monroe,  and  in  182G,  Mr.  Adams  offer- 
ed, as  a  compromise,  to  give  to  Great  Britain  the 
free  navigation  of  the  Colunib.-a,  and  exclusive  title 
to  all  of  the  territory  north  of  forty-nine  degrees  of 
latitude.  In  1824,  Mr.  Montoe  also  offered  to  give 
to  Great  Britain  all  above  the  forty-ninth  degree  of 
north  latitude.  Each  of  these  very  favorable,  and, 
it  seems  to  me,  conciliatory  offers  were  prompt- 
ly rejected  by  the  English  government.  After  the 
first  rejection,  if  negotiation  had  then  closed,  what 
would  have  been  the  result.'  Either  we  would  have 
had  to  force  England  from  her  joint  occupancy,  or 
have  ignominiously  "abandoned"  our  rights.  To 
avoid  such  an  issue,  what  did  Mr.  Monroe  do  ?  He 
entered  into  a  joint  convention  for  ten  years.  I  put 
it  now  to  the  reason  and  candor  of  gentlemen,  was 
not  that  measure  a  substitute  for  war?  or,  what  is  far 
more  wretched  and  withering,  if  war  was  not  to  en- 
sue, was  it  not  a  siibstitute  for  national  di.sgrace.' 

After  the  second  prompt  rejection  of  the  result  of 
nine  years'  negotiation  by  England,  our  government 
again  consents  to  an  indefinite  renewal  of  the  treaty; 
and  why?  For  the  same  cause  that  induced  its  orig- 
inal formation — to  avoid  the  unpleasant  alternative  of 
an  appeal  to  arms;  for  Great  Britain  positively,  and 
three  times,  had  refused  to  yield  a  joint  occupancy 
ofthatterritory,  and  of(X)urse,  a  failure  to  renew 
the  convention  would  have  forced  us  either  to  drive 
her  from  it,  or  to  abandon  it  to  her !  T  repeat,  then, 
that  thia  convention  was  a  substUuttfor  war. 

It  is  now  proposed  to  give  notice  of  our  desire  to 
terminate  this  convention,  or  to  substitute  re»uZto  for 


these  terms,  it  is  now  proposed  that  we  annul  this 
substitute  for  war,  and  to  use  the  sword  to  cut  this 
"gordian  knot,"  which  twenty-eight  years  ot  neg<^- 
tiation  have  been  unable  to  untie — to  do  that  which 
Mr.  Monroe,  under  precisely  similar  circumstances, 
deemed  it  unwise  to  do  in  1818;  and  which  Mr. 
Adams  abstained  from  doing  in  1827,  under  far 
more  favorable  circumstances.  I  said,  under  far 
more  favorable  circumstances;  for  our  States  were 
not  then  loaded  down  with  those  enormous  debts 
which  the  paper-money  system  has  since  bequeathed 
to  them  as  its  dying  legacy,  and  our  antagonist  was 
not,  as  now,  armed  to  the  teeth.  It  will  be  con- 
ceded, I  believe,  by  all,  sir,  that  Great  Britain  has 
never — even  in  the  moment  wher  piecing  her  foot 
upon  the  prostrate  form  of  that  mighty  genius  of  war. 
Napoleon — been  as  completely  panoplied  in  all  the 
means  of  defensive  and  of  aggressive  war  as  she  is 
now.  At  peace  with  all  the  world,  and  having  pre- 
pared the  monarchies  of  Europe  for  her  movements 
— amongst  whom  it  is  now  said  we  have  not  a  friend 
to  whose  arbitration  we  dare  trust  this  case — she  has 
been  husbanding  her  resources,  recruiting  on  a 
large  scale  her  naval  marine — has  built  an  enormous 
steam  fleet,  and  sent  them  round  the  world,  in  the 
pea°9eful  garb  of  mail-steamers,  exploring  the  coasts 
and  harbors  of  other  nations — whilst,  too,  she  has 
been  constantly  augmenting  her  already  immense 
military  resources. 

But  my  colleague  [Mr.  Hilli/vrd]  who  so  elo- 
quently addressed  the  House  yesterday  upon  this 
question,  says  that  he  will  not  pause  to  count  the 
armies  of  EiOgland,  or  to  number  her  ships,  or  to 
consider  of  her  resources.  Sir,  with  a  feeling  of 
sincere  sympathy  for  that  warm  and  gushing  im- 
pulse which  v/ould  fear  no  danger  incurred  m  the 
cause  of  our  common  country,  I  must,  however,  be 
allowed  to  express  the  opinion  that,  in  this  instance, 
it  is  not  ^'foUtj  to  be  wise."  It  is  wisdom  to  obtain 
a  knowledge  of,  and  to  reflect  upon,  the  strength  of 
our  foe.  A  Washington  has  jeoparded  not  only 
the  lives,  but  the  honor  of  brave  men,  in  order  to 
find  out  the  strength  of  the  enemy.  I  cannot  but 
sympathize  with  this  noble  ardor,  this  high-toned 
American  spirit,  that  is  flashing  up  over  the  v/hole 
nation;  but  when  it  would  advise  us  that  this  is  vic- 
tory, I  must  reject  the  advice.  I  know  that  it  is 
equal  to  half  the  battle;  and  if  the  right — if  truth 
and  justice  decided  the  swaying  ranks  of  war — 
freely,  heartily,  anU  joyfully  would  I  now  commit 
this  issue  to  that  fierce  ordeal.  But,  sir,  that  is  not 
the  case;  not  justice,  but  might,  rules  upon  the 
blood-reeking  battle-field;  and,  knowing  this,  it  be- 
comes the  legislator  not  only  to  know  the  means  of 
destruction  which  the  enemy  possesses,  but  to  see 
to  it  that  his  own  country  is  not  thrown  into  that 
arena  with  nothing  but  the  naked  breasts  and  weap- 
onless hands  of  her  brave  sons  to  maintain  their 
cause.  A  nation  that  blindly  and  passionately 
plunges  into  a  conflict  of  arms  with  an  opposing 
power,  deserves  no  higher  meed  of  praise  than 
should  be  awarded  to  the  prairie  bull,  that,  shutting 
his  eyes,  furiously  but  blindly  r-jhes  upon  the  ob- 
ject of  his  hate,  the  flag-flaunting  and  armed  ma- 
tador. 

The  question  arises,  then,  are  we  prepared  for 
this  issue  of  arms  .'  Alas!  sir,  "in  peace"  we  have 
not  "prepared  for  war."  From  tne  very  West 
which  now  seeks  to  involve  the  country  in  its  vi- 
cissitudes and  horrors,  has  come  a  long-continued 
opposition,  as  I  am  informed,  to  any  such  increase 
of  our  gallant  and  glorious  navy  as  the  wants  of 


the  countr 
Many  of  o 
ing  iaiy  in 
mitted  to  ' 
Our  army 
I  learn  froi 
itary  Affii 
soldier  in 
match,  if  a 
Lay. 

At  this  ^ 
are  laughc 
full  of  coui 
even  now, 
to  cross  sv 
to  passing 
providing  i 
men ! 

Entirely 
conflict  as 
uin  must  ir 
dishonoral 
sents  a  poi 
by  it,  to  ad 
valir,"  wt 
honor  .•' 

But  I  a 

notice  is  a 
licve  so. 
trary,  writ 
tice  itself,  i 
listened  in 
ill  its  fdvo 
sucli.  On 
notice  beii 
temnlating 
the  long  ui 
comnnitted 
argument  i 
as  a  substit 
tion  involv 
of  one  or  t 
it  is  view 
though  th( 

In  the 
does  not  v 
conversatii 
fore  speak 
cially  con 
In  that  do 
mise  whic 
be  effectet 
ng  failed,' 
for  the  nii 
try."  No 
promise  tl 
hy  "measi 
What  must 
character  t 
title,"  of  ( 
President 
and  very 
that  at  the 
reached  a 
must  eithe 
how,  is  no^ 
The  answi 
against  E 
which  she 

I  say  t] 


ire  annul  this 
rd  to  cut  this 
ara  ot  negcv- 

0  that  which 
rcumstances, 
[  which  Mr. 
1,  under  far 
J,  under  far 

States  were 
rnnouB  debts 
;e  bequeathed 
ite^onist  was 

will  be  con- 
it  Britain  has 
:in^  her  foot 
emus  of  war, 
ed  in  all  the 
/ar  as  she  is 

1  having  pre- 
ir  movements 
c  not  a  friend 
\&se — she  has 
ruiting  on  a 
an  enormous 
world,  in  the 
ng  the  coasts 
too,  she  has 
Ldy  immense 

who  so  elo- 
lay  upon  this 
to  count  the 
r  ships,  or  to 
I  a  feeling  of 
gushing  im- 
icurred  m  the 
,  however,  be 
this  instance, 
lorn  to  obtain 
le  strength  of 
led  not  only 
,  in  order  to 
I  cannot  but 
is  high-toned 
ver  the  v/hole 
lat  this  is  vie- 
now  that  it  is 
„  It— if  truth 
iks  of  war — 
now  commit 
ir,  that  is  not 
les  upon  the 
ig  this,  it  be- 
the  means  of 
es,  but  to  see 
own  into  that 
3ts  and  wea]> 
naintain  their 

passionately 
an  opposing 

prai;3e  than 

that,  shutting 

upon  the  ob- 

id  armed  roa- 

prepared  for 
;ace"  we  have 
5  very  West 
try  in  its  vi- 
ong-centinued 
such  increase 
the  wants  of 


aspect  which  this  question  presents,  that  giving  this 
notice,  and  taking  exclusive  possession  of  Oreeon, 
as  the  President  recommends,  is  a  war  move.  How 
are  we  to  carry  it  into  effect  ?  How  are  we  to  dis- 
posses  our  adversary  from  her  thirty  forts  in  Ore" 
gon  ?  Certainly,  tnose  who  know  Great  Britain 
will  not  dream  that  a  mere  reading  of  our  law  before, 
those  forts  will  cav.sc  their  commanders  to  strike 
the  cross  of  St.  George,  and  quietly  give  us  exclu- 
sive possession.  Gentlemen  have  ransacked  her 
history  to  some  advantage  in  this  debate,  and  have 
learned  that  for  centuries  she  has  been  acquiring 
colonies,  and  urging  herself  up  the  scale  of  territo- 
rial accretion,  till  now,  as  has  been  beautifully  and 
no  less  forcibly  said,  "the  sun  never  sets  upon  her 
dominions." 

Have  they  yet  found  a  case,  when,  after  so  long 
and  so  perseveringly  persisting  in  a  claim,  she  at 
'ast,  on  the  first  snow  of  opposition,  quietly  aban- 
doned it?  If  so,  I  am  yet  to  be  informed  of  it'  Then, 
to  execute  your  law  for  asserting  "our  just  title," 
force  must  be  an  ingredient  of  the  means  used. 

The  venerable  gentleman  frem  Massachusetts 
[Mr.  Adamh]  has  so  argued  this  question;  though, 
et  the  same  time,  saying,  in  what  I  conceive  to 
have  been  carefully  selected  phraseology,  that  he 
"did  not  believe  at  all  in  any  danger  of  war,  at  this 
<ime."  Whether  he  designed  to  cover,  with  his  be- 
lief, the  close  of  the  twelve  months  given  by  the 
irary,  written  as  with  a  pen  of  iron,  both  on  the  no- '  convention,  he  has  not  informed  us.  At  all  events, 
lice  itself,  and  on  the  facts  attending  it.  As  yet  I  have  !  "'s  arguments  breathed  a  fierce,  energetic  war  spir- 
listened  in  vain  to  some  half-a-dozen  hour  speeches  I  "•  Truly  and  well  did  he  depict  the  whole  charcc- 
iii  its  favor,  lor  a  single  argument  showing  it  to  be  1  t^r  of  this  move,  when  he  illustr.itcd  it  l)y  reciting 
such.  On  the  contrary,  nearly  every  advocate  of ,"  celebrated  event  in  history,  exclaiming  with  very 
notice  being  £,nven,  runs  into  enthusiasm  in  con- j  feat  emphasis— "T/m  is  the  military  way  of  doing 
templating  the'glories  to  be  achieved  in  revenging  l  "'«mess-"  His  illustration  was  drawn  from  theme- 
the  long  unredressed  injuries  which  England  has  moirs  of  Frederick  the  Great.  "I  had  some  excel- 
committed  upon  the  world  !  I  will  not  repeat  my  '^nt  old  pretensions,"  wrote  Frederick,  "to  an 
argument  showing  that  the  convention  was  adopted  \  Austrian  province,  which  some  of  my  ancestors 
as  a  substitute  for  war,  and  that  therefore  its  terminu-  \  ''^d  owned  one  or  two  hundred  years  before,  and  1 
tion  involves  war,  or  an  abandonment  of  the  claim ^  sent  an  ambassador  to  the  court^  of  Vienna,  st^ating 
of  one  or  the  other  nation.  I  will  now  show  how 
Jt  is  viewed  by  its  supporters,  peace  advocates 
though  they  are  asserted  to  be. 


the  country,  it  seems  to  me,  imperiously  demand. 
Many  of  our  ships  are  rotting  on  the  stocks,  or  ly- 
ing idly  in  harbor,  and  our  officers,  of  course,  per- 
mitted to  roam  over  the  land,  instead  of  the  sea. 
Our  army  is  so  small  that  even  at  this  moment,  as 
I  learn  from  the  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Mil- 
itary Affairs,  there  is  not  a  single  United  Suites 
soldier  in  the  State  of  Alabama — none  to  light  a 
natch,  if  a  hostile  force  enters  the  waters  of  Mobile 
bay. 

At  this  very  time,  too,  when  war's  dread  horrors 
arc  laughed  at  by  young  members  of  this  House — 
full  of  courage,  doubtless,  but  with  no  experience — 
even  now,  whea  we  are  about  to  dare  old  England 
to  cross  swords  with  us,  serious  opposition  is  made 
to  passing  the  bill  of  your  Military  Committee, 
providing  for  the  raising  of  a  single  regiment  of  rifle- 
men ! 

Entirely  unprepared,  then,  for  such  a  terrible 
conflict  as  that  between  ourselves  and  Great  Brit- 
ain must  inevitably  be,  will  it  be  deemed  treasonable, 
dishonorable,  or  cowardly,  In  one  who  here  repre- 
sents a  portion  of  the  people  who  are  to  be  affected 
by  it,  to  advise  that  "discretion,  that  better  part  of 
val  tr,"  warns  us  to  avoid  it,  if  it  ain  be  done  with 
honor  ? 

But  I  am  here  met  with  the  assertion  that  this 
notice  is  a /)tace  rntasiire.  Would  that  I  could  be- 
lieve so.     But  1  cannot  shut  my  eyes  to  the  con- 


In  the  first  place,  the  President,  it  seems  to  me, 


my  claim,  and  presenting  a  full  exposition  of  my 
right  to  the  province.  The  same  day  that  my  am- 
bassador was  received  in  Vienna,  I  entered  Silesia 
with  my  army."  Without  reflecting  upon  the  bad 
faith  which  appears  to  me  to  have  marked  the  pro- 


doea  not  view  it  as  a  peace  measure.  I  have  had  no  ceeding  of  the  Prussian  monarch;  and  which  seems 
conversation  v^iih  him  upon  the  point,  and  there- 1  therefore  to  be  a  strange  example  for  so  venerable  a 
fore  speak  only  by  that  chart  of  his  opinions  offi-  j  statesman  to  olTer  to  our  councils  as  an  illustration 
cially  communicated    to  Congress—his  message,  i  of  the  course    to  be  pursued,  I  accept  it  as  indica- 


In  that  document  he  informs  us  that  "no  compro- 
mise which  the  United  States  ought  to  accept  can 
be  effected."  "All  attempt.^  at  compromise  hav- 
ng  failed,"  he  recommends  that  "measures  be  taken 
for  the  maintenance  of  our  just  title  to  that  coun- 
try." Now,  sir,  if  England  will  accept  of  ro  com- 
promise that  we  can  offer,  and  we  are  to  maintain, 
oy  "measures"  now  to  be  taken,  "our  just  title," 
%  hat  must  those  "measures"  he?  "JV/casur«s"  of  a 
character  to  force  England  to  acknowledge  "our  just 
title,]'  of  course;  and,  as  one  of  those  measures,  the 
President  recommends  that  this  notice  be  given; 
and  very  properly  and  wisely  informs  Congress 
that  at  the  end  of  the  year's  notice,  "we  shall  have 
reached  a  period  when  the  national  rights  in  Oregon 
must  either  be  abandoned  or  firmly  maintaiiud."  And 
hovo,  is  now  a  pertinent  question,  and  against  whom? 
The  answer  is  ciusy— by  armies,  by  fleets,  by  war 
against  England,  if  she  does  not  abandon  a  claim 
which  she  refused  "all  attempts"  to  compromise ! 
I  say  that  it  is  written  on  the  very  face  of  the 


tive  of  the  turn  which  affars  are  expected  to  take  af- 
ter our  ambassador  gives  notice.  I  only  could  sin- 
cerely desire  that  my  own  country  was  as  well  pre- 
pared to  assert  its  title  with  a  hundred  thousand 
men  as  Frederick  was — for  as  assuredly  war  follows 
our  notice,  as  did  the  long  and  devastating  war 
which  the  king's  movement  led  to. 

[Mr.  Kennedy,  of  Indiana,  here  remarked,  "Half 
of  that  number  would  be  sufficient."] 

My  friend  on  my  left  says  that  half  of  the  num- 
ber will  answer.  It  is  easy,  sir,  to  talk  of  conquest 
— not  so  easy  to  effect  them.  My  western  friends 
here  talk  of  war  with  England  as  a  mere  matter  of 
amusement !  England,  they  say,  will  fall  in  the 
contest;  and  we  might  readily  suppose  that  they 
think  that  in  a  collision  with  us,  she  would  "dissi- 
pate into  thin  air !"  Do  they  know  or  reflect  for  a 
moment  upon  the  responsibilitieH  and  dread  conse- 
quences ofa  collision  between  twenty  millions  of 
people  on  either  side,  furiously  seeking  each  other's 


not  mther   like  young 


deatruction?    Or  are  they 
JXorval,  who  saya  that — 

"On  Iho  (Jrimpian  hills,  hi«  father  fwl  his  flock— 
A  frugal  ,8wain ," 

who  hnd  kept  him, 

"An  only  son,  at  home."    - 

.  But  tiiat— 

"He  had  lnavd  of  battles,  and  Ionised 

To  follow  to  the  field   some  warlike  lord!" 

This  impulsive,  valorous  furor  which  in  mein^  in 
this  House,  reminds  me  somewhat  of  the  brave 
young  Norval.  Now  my  friend  from  Missouri  [Mr. 
SiMMs,]  has  said  "all  of  Oregon,  or  none;  now  or 
never."  There  i.s  no  man,  sir,  with  a  purer  or 
braver  heart  than  he.  Single-handed  and  equally 
armed,  I  would  ri.^k  him  in  n  contest  with  any 
Englishman.  But  \  would,  as  his  friend,  and  the 
friend  of  the  gentleman  on  my  left,  [Mr.  Kennedy,] 

{)au8e  before  I  would  consent  to  expose  the  defence- 
ess  breasts  of  two  such  gnllunt  spirits  to  such  an  arm- 
ed and  skilful  adversary  as  they  so  heedlea.sly  dare  j 
to  the  arena.  Give  either,  however,  a  bayonet,  or  a 
western  rfle,  (their  favorite  weapon,)  and  I  would 
confidently  abulc  the  re.=iult.  So  would  I  act  v/iih 
my  country.  Not  calr.uUuing  oti  the  cowardice  of 
our  great  advf.i.sary,  I  would  hold  the  Union  from 
an  unequal  conliict,  which  neither  the  private  nor 
the  public  code  of  honor  ever  demand.*;  under  such 
circumstances;  and,  like  the  brave  Scottish  chieftain, 
would  say  to  her— 'Vfiia's  your  time.'" 

_My  friend  from  Mis&ouri  [Mr.  Bowlin]  aa  cer- 
tainly looks  ufion  this  notice  as  a  w;ir  measure,  and 
seemed  to  revel  in  the  idea  of  the  conliict.  lie 
likened  tlie  situation  of  the  two  nations  to  the  porcu- 
pine and  snakes  in  the  fable.  During  a  storm  a 
porcupine  desired  to  take  .-jheltor  in  a  den  of  snakes. 
They  permitted  him;  and  he  commenced  rolling  ami 
shooting  Ills  quilis  about  to  such  an  annoying  ile- 
gree,  timt  th"  F."--kes  begged  him  to  l.;ave.  The 
armed  reptile  -  replied  that  those  who  de^jired 

to  leave  c.duI''  As  for  himself,  he  slioulJ  re- 

main. The  or.se.s  arc  n')t  analogous.  England,  it 
is  true,  is  in  our  dc!)  but  she  is  quiet,  and  observes 
the  good  faith  demanded  by  the  treaty.  Armed  all 
over  she  is,  hov/ever,  like  the  porcupine;  and  we 
should  learn  this  wisdom  from  the  fable,  not  to  pro- 
voke her  to  roll  over  us,  and  stick  her  quilLs  intf)  us, 
unless,  perchance,  like  the  snakes,  we  .sliall  be 
forced  to  quit  our  own  den!  If,  indeed,  a  porcupine 
is  in  our  midst  by  invitation,  and  our  scaler  are  lutt 
proof  against  his  mi.ssiles,  it  is  wise  in  us  not  uime- 
cessarily  to  provoke  him. 

In  this  connexion  I  desire  to  notice  these  anima- 
ted attacks  on  England;  these  burninj;  apiicals  to 
our  patriotism;  these  outbreaks  of  enthusia.stic  love 
of  country;  and  firm  resolve  to  resist  encroachment 
and  insult.  For  my  life,  I  cannot  help  but  respond 
heartily  to  them  all.  My  indignation  is  excitol; 
detestation  of  Enghsh  arrogancefand  insult  is  given 
birth  to;  an  ardent  love  of  my  own  country  and  its 
institutions  is  duly  raised  by  these  appeaLs.  But  I 
look  around  in  vain  for  a  point  to  which  to  apply  all 
this  perM-up  ammunition.  England  is  quiet,  reining 
under  a  treaty  framed  between  us  twenty-eight 
years  ago,  and  is  on  the  eve  of  so  modifying  her 
corn-laws  as  to  admit  thecontents  of  western  "grana- 
ries to  be  emptied  upon  her  shores."  This  is,  then, 
it  seems  to  me,  a  useless  waste  of  patriotic  enthusi- 
asm; unless  gentlemen  fear  that  their's  needs  exercise 
%o  prevont  its  rusting. 


I  can  well  imagme,  however,  how  such  a  course 
will  opemte  upon  the  public  mind — how  the  honf st 
farmer,  on  reading  such  furious  denunciation  o*" 
what  ho  is  accustomed  to  think  his  national  enemy, 
and  of  her  rapacity,  &c.,  can  have  his  feelinga 
wrought  up  under  the  idea  that  his  country  \a 
the  onject  of  English  rapacity  and  ovcrbearance; 
and  therefore  he  should  demand  that  not  an 
iota  of  our  claims  should  be  yielded  to  her.  And  I 
much  fear  that  this  is  the  surest  way  of  accounting 
for  this  strong  popular  ferment  in  relation  to  this 
question. 

Mr.  Pakenham's  letter,  I  humbly  think,  has  been 
subjected,  unnecessarily,  to  this  severe  and  trying 
ordeal.  On  rennrusing  it,  I  cannot  but  think  that 
his  remarks,  which  '  ave  excited  so  much  indignation, 
were  designed  rnert.y  to  refer  to  the  fact  that  he  had 
been  invited  to  open  the  negotiation  in  a  spirit  of 
compromise,  and  that  he  found  our  government  re- 
ceding from,  instead  of  meeting  him  in  that 
spirit — more  having  been  offered  to  England  at  pre- 
vious dates — offers,  too,  which  he  considered  more 
equitable  and  fair. 

This  notice,  then,  if  given,  would  be  a  xcar  move. 
It  is  argued  ay  such.  Mr.  Polk  evidently  deerns  it 
as  fuch.     In  itK^elf,  it  is  such  a  move. 

What,  then,  is  the  ohjcct?  I  am  told,  to  obtain  all 
ofOrci^on.  I,  too,  go  for  r,.ll  of  Oregon.  I  go  for  it 
up  to  3P  40'.  I  am  desirous  of  attaining  that  end 
in  a  way  most  consistent  with  the  interests  and  hon- 
or of  the  country,  a.nd  mojit  likely  to  be  effectual. 
TVill  tear — will  the  strong  hand  be  that  best  mode' 
I  think  not,  and  am  therefore  opposed  to  giving  the 
notice  at  this  time. 

In  the  event  of  war,  it  certainly  would  not  Oc 
waged  in  Oregon.  In  the  first  place,  it  is  too  remote 
from  our  resourcc.i,  both  of  material  and  men,  for 
us  to  operate  there  .successfully.  It  would  take  an 
army,  fully  equipped  and  carrying  its  own  supplies, 
(for  there  are  none  in  Orcjon,)  full  four  months  to 
march  from  our  frontiers  into  Oregon,  scaling,  Na- 
rKtleon-like,  in  their  progress,  the  American  Alps, 
lilngland — mistrej.s  of  the  wea  by  means  of  her  nu- 
merous fleets,  could  much  more  readily  transport 
troops  .ind  provision.^  to  that  point.  Witli  us,  it 
would  be  equivalent  to  a  foreign  and  aggresaive  war 
to  carry  it  on  in  Oregon.  For  such  a  war,  it  is  not 
treason  to  .^ay  we  are  weak.  Our  institutions  do 
not  fit  us  f  )r  it.  England,  then,  I  take  it  for  grant- 
ed, v/ould  soon  h'lvc  possession  of  the  whole  terri- 
tory, and  would  soon  fortii'y  the  passes  against  any 
invasion  of  it  on  our  part  hereafuu". 

The  war,  however,  would  be  fiercely  waged  on 
the  ocean  aiid  in  Canada.  Ridiu','  in  large  fleets, 
the  cross  of  St.  George  might  pass  triumphant.  In 
siuixle  and  more  equal  (  ombats,  it  would  be  as  cer- 
tainly lowered  to  the  stars  and  slripo.s.  Canada, 
too,  "would  yield  to  our  valor;  and  when  both  par- 
ties became  tired  of  the  contest,  in  which  the  vitalitti 
of  neither  would  have  been  touched,  Oregon  would 
be  found  in  the  .hands  of  England,  and  Canada 
would  be  in  our  possession.  England  cares  but  lit- 
tle for  Canada.  To  her  it  is  an  expensive  and  com- 
paratively useless  colony.  For  Oregon  she  cares 
much  ;  for  whoever  is  planted  there  will,  from  its 
splendid  ports,  command  the  trade  of  the  great  Pa- 
cific. Under  such  circumstances,  peace,  in  all  hu- 
man probability,  would  be  made  between  the  two 
countries,  by  which  England  would  be  left  in  pos- 
session of  Oregon,  and  the  United  States  in  posses- 
sion of  Canada.  The  North  and  East,  and  portions 
of  the  South,  and  even  West,  would,  after  a  long 


t 


h  a  course 

the  honest 

nciation  o*" 

naJ  enemy, 

lis  feelinga 

country  :a 

crbeuronce; 

at    not    an 

er.    And  I 

accounting 

tion  to  this 

k,  has  been 
and  trying 
.  think  that 
indignation, 
that  he  had 
a  spirit  of 
ernment  re- 
nt in  that 
land  at  pre- 
idered  more 

a  %car  move. 
'.\y  deerns  it 

to  obtain  all 
I  s;o  for  it 
ng  tl);it  end 
sts  and  hon- 
be  efi'ectual. 
best  mode' 
o  giving  the 

Duld  not  l>c 
s  too  remote 
nd  men,  for 
)uld  take  an 
wn  supplies, 
n  months  to 
scaling,  Na- 
.ericati  Alps, 
s  of  lier  nu- 
ily  tnuisport 
Witli  us,  it 
>;srrcs:-iive  war 
war,  it  is  not 
istitutions  do 
;  it  for  grant- 
whole  terri- 
3  against  any 

!y  waged  on 
large  fleets, 
irnphnnt.  in 
Id  bo  as  cer- 
es. Canada, 
len  bo  til  par- 
ch the  vitnlit}! 
)regon  would 
and  Canada 
cares  but  lit- 
sive  and  com- 
on  she  cares 
vill,  from  its 
the  great  Pa- 
ce, u\  Jill  hu- 
veen  the  two 
)e  left  in  pos- 
ies in  posses- 
,  and  portions 
,  after  a  long 


and  exhausting  struggle,  consent  (o  such  terms,  and 
thus  would  the  object  of  the  war  he  lost.  The  blood 
and  treasure  of  the  gallant  West  will  have  been 
poured  out  in  vain,  while  the  North  and  East  will 
have  reaped  the  greatest  benefits  for  their  sacrifices. 
There  might  be  one  other  result.  Both  parlies, 
worn  out  by  the  struggle,  might,  as  in  the  last  war, 
stipulate  to  return  rill  that  either  had  conquered; 
and  thus  the  country  would  be  left  where  it  was 
vh^n  it  began  the  foolish  contest  of  strength. 

I  said  "the  country  would  be  left  where  it  was." 
I  erred,  sir,  far  otherwise  will  be  the  result.  We 
are  now  on  the  very  portals  of  success  in  carrying 
out  those  noble  principles  of  government,  which  our 
fathers  bequeathed  to  us,  and  which,  if  once  wholly 
in  operation,  will  do  more  than  anything  else  to  ad- 
vance the  cause  of  liberty  and  happiness.  We  have 
just  purged  the  old  republican  party  of  that  system 
of  bastard  republicanism,  which  the  war  of  J 8112 
bequeathed  to  the  country,  and  have  infused  into  it 
a  new  life  and  energy.  The  measugc  of  Mr.  Polk 
is  amongst  the  best  evidences  of  it;  and  the  noble 
and  masterly  report  of  Mr  Walker — making  clear 
that  which  before  was  intricate  and  confused — ta- 
king high  constitutional  grounds  on  the  great  sub- 
ject of  revenue — illuatratmg  it  with  new  and  ir- 
resistible arguments — a  document  which,  side 
by  side  with  his  great  Texas  letter,  will  com- 
mend him  to  immortality,  is  another  of  those 
fruits.  The  bill  of  my  friend  from  Virginia,  [Mr. 
Dromgoolk,]  for  establishing  a  constitutional  treas- 
ury is  another — all  together  forming  a  system  of 
noble  measures,  well  calculated  to  cau.se  the  heart  of 
a  true  republiran  to  throb  with  joy,  if  successfully 
carried  through  the  ordeal  of  legislation. 

We  are  on  the  point,  loo,  of  purchasing  the  mag- 
nificent territory  of  California,  which,  with  Oregon, 
would  give  ua  a  breadth  of  Pacific  coast  suited  to 
the  grandeur  and  commercial  importance  of  our  re- 
public. 

t^U  this  would  be  blighted  by  tear.  California 
would  be  lost  to  us;  Oregon  would  be  lost  to  us.  A 
debt  of  five  hundred  millions  would  be  imposed  upon 
the  country.  The  paper  system,  in  its  worst  form, 
will  necessarily  have  been  imposed  upon  us.  The 
pei.'sion  lis. — that  spring  of  life  and  immortality  to 
patriotic  valor — would  be  almost  indefinitely  in- 
creased. The  government  will  have  become  cen/rat- 
ized;  its  checks  weakened;  its  administration  feder- 
alized in  all  its  tendencies.  The  fabric  of  State 
rights  will  have  been  swept  away,  and  remftin  only 
as  a  glorious  dream;  and  a  strong  military  bias  will 
have  been  given  to  the  future  career  of  our  country, 
■which,  while  it  may  be  splendid  in  appearance,  will 
Lear  within  itself  the  certain  elements  of  destruction. 
Sir,  this  picture  is  not  over-wrought.  It  is  a 
melancholy  truth,  too  well  attested  to  be  disputed, 
that  republicanism,  which  grows  in  tlie  genial  smile 
of  peace,  shrinks  from  the  clash  of  arms,  and  yields 
to  the  fiercer  bearing  and  swelling  energies  of  its 
antagonist  principle,  the  one-man  power — a  princi- 
ple which  ♦hi-ives  upon  the  wants,  and  fattens  upon 
the  distresses  of  the  country. 

I  say  this  in  behalf  of  the  whole  country,  and  not 
merely  for  my  own,  tny  native  land — the  sunny 
South.  In  such  a  contest,  come  when  it  may,  she, 
at  least,  has  never  faltered  in  her  allegiance  to  the 
whole  country  ;  and  it  is  now  a  pride  and  a  pleasure 
to  her  sons,  to  remember  that  the  actions  of  our  gal- 
lant ancestry  have  been  such,  that  no  slur  can  be 
cast,  even  by  the  maligniuit  fanatic,  upon  her  es- 
cutcheoB    that  history  does  not  give  the  lie  to. 


Strong  in  all  the  elements  of  government,  her  pecu- 
liar institutions  (she  has  been  accustomed  to  tnink, 
and  experience  sustains  her,) ^but  strcngilifn  her  for 
a  war. 

Dreadful,  however,  as  the  results  of  war  must 
necessarily  be,  they  are  to  be  endured — and  only  to 
be  thought  of  to  enable  us  the  better  to  prepare  for 
it — if  it  is  necessary.  Is  war,  then,  necessary  at  this 
time?  The  gentleman  from  Massachusetts  [Mr. 
Adams]  intimates  that  he  has  "heard  of  some  queo- 
lion  being  made  in  England,  whether  they  shalf  not 
give  us  notice  of  the  termination  of  the  joint  occu- 
pancy." 1  apprehend  that  England  will  do  no  such 
thing.  Her  title  is  derived,  she  proclaims,  from 
her  convention  with  Spain;  and  under  i'  she  claims 
no  exclusive  right  to  an  inch  of  Oregon.  A  notice, 
then,  to  us  would,  in  some  decree,  impair  the  force 
with  which  she  urges  her  rights  under  that  conven- 
tion. A  notice  that  she  designed  to  take  exclusive 
po8sej!8ion  of  any  part  of  Oregon,  would  be  a  no- 
tice that  she  abandoned  her  position  under  the 
Nootka  Sound  convention,  which  gives  her  no  ex- 
clusive right,  by  her  own  interpretation,  and  that 
she  rested  her  title  upon  other  and,  I  must  think, 
weaker  grounds. 

Does  honor- -"that  blood-stained  god  at  whose 
red  altar  sit  var  and  homicide" — require  us  to 
plunge  into  a  war  with  Great  Britain.'  If  so,  I  am 
yet  to  hear  the  first  argument  in  support  of  it.  The 
proposition  recently  rejected  by  England  was  re- 
jected in  1824,  and  yet  Mr.  Monroe  thought  it  no 
cau.se  for  war.  A  simihir  but  more  favorable  prop- 
osition to  England  wrvS  rejected  in  1818  and  1826; 
and  yet  neither  Mr.  Monroe  nor  Mr.  Adams  thought 
that  our  honor  had  been  insulted  to  such  a  decree 
as  to  demand  blood  to  efface  it.  General  Jackson, 
Mr.  Van  Buren,  General  Harrison,  and  Mr.  Tyler 
rested  quietly  after  such  rejection  of  our  offers  of 
compromise,  and  deemed  not  that  it  was  neces- 
sary to  give  this  notice  to  save  the  honor  of  the 
country. 

Do  the  wanlB  of  our  fellow-citizens  require  war? 
No.  While  we  have  millions  of  vacant  and  fertile 
land  this  side  of  the  Rocky  moifntains  unappropri- 
ated, there  are  in  Oregon, we  are  told,  but7,000soul3 
inhabiting  a  vast  country,  as  large  as  the  original 
thirteen  States— 900  miles  long  by  700  broad!  So 
far  from  the  wants  of  the  emigrants  to  Oregon  re- 
quiring it,  they  are  actually  under  obligations  to  the 
Hudson  Bay  Company  to  such  an  extent,  for  kind 
and  hospitable  acts,  as  to  form  what  is  even  now 
called  there  an  English  party,  who  dread  a  wtir! 

The  only  other  objects  to  be  attained  by  this  agi- 
tation of  war,  have  been  given  vent  to  by  a  repre- 
sentative of  a  miserable  facMon  in  Ohio,  [Mr.  Gid- 
DiNGs,]  and  by  the  gentleman  fronj  New  York,  [Mr. 
KiKG.]  Of  the  fornaer  I  will  say  nothing;  and  of  the 
latter,  only  that  this  game  of  president-making,  at 
the  expense  of  such  great  interests,  is  worthy  of  be- 
ing mentioned  but  to  be  denounced  by  every  patriot. 
As  to  the  great  and  pure  man  at  whom  he  aimed, 
[Mr.  Calhoun,]  he  is  far,  far  above  his  reach.  That 
English  arrow,  even  though  shot  from  a  New  York 
bow,  and  even  though  tne  gentleman  may  hare 
conceived  it  to  be  Wright-ly  shot,  falls  harmlessly  at 
the  feet  of  that  great  statesman.  It  will  not  tura 
him  from  the  path  of  duty,  even  though  duty  t9  hie 
country  may  prove  a  sacrifice  of  high  and  honoi»- 
ble  hopes,  which  a  portion  of  the  country  may  hare 
entertained  in  relation  to  him.  With  him  such  sac- 
rifices have  been  but  too  common,  that  he  should 


•  now  b«deUrred  in  hia  career  by  any  miserable  in- 

■  aect  that  may  have  crawled  there. 

1  have  thus  endeavored,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  dem- 
onatrate  that,  giving  to  England  notice  that  we  de- 
aign  to  take  exclusive  posBesaion  of  Oregon,  will 

Eroduce  a  war;  that  war  will  cither  terminate  in  the 
isa  of  Oregon,  or  inefifecting  nothing  towbrds  per- 
fecting possession  in  us;  that  EInglaod  will  not  give 
the  notice,  and  that  neither  the  honor  nor  the  wants 
of  the  country  require  us  to  do. 

I  now  propose  to  show,  sir,  that  a  system  of 
peaceful  measureiH  will  tend  much  more  eircctually 
to  give  iia  "all  of  Oregon,"  than  warlike  movements 
win. 

I  would  say,  then,  pass  your  military  bills.  I  am 
wlUiog  to  vote  to  increase  the  number  (four  com- 
panies fifty  or  even  one  hundred  per  cent.,  nnd  to 
-raise  mounted  regiments  sufficient  to  protect  emigra- 
tion to  Oregon  over  our  vast  western  plains. 

I  am  ready  to  rote  to  build  block-houses,  not  only 
on  the  route  to  the  South  Pass,  but  to  build  them  in 
Oregon,  as  England  has  done. 

I  am  ready  to  build  such  a  station  at  the  South 
Pass,  as  will  enable  the  cmigrantH  ns  they  reach  a 
point  from  which  they  can  look  upon  the  vast 
Atlantic  slope  on  the  one  hand,  and  that  of  'he  Pa- 
cific on  the  other,  to  recruit  and  refit  there. 

I  am  ready  to  cover  our  people  there  with  thcvagis 
of  our  laws,  to  the  extent  that  England  has  protect- 
ed her  subjects. 

I  am  ready  to  offer  Huch  other,  and  more  tempting 
inducements  to  its  settlement,  as  gentlemen  may  de- 
vise, in  order  that,  in  five  years  time,  one  hundred 
thousand  men  may  be  thrown  in  the  vales  und 
amidst  the  hills  of  this  disputed  land. 

Amongst  such  a  population,  would  readily  be 
found  at  least  twenty  taousand  riflemen,  well  acquaint- 
ed with  the  country,  hardy  and  enterprising,  and 
vcach  well  trained  to  a  skillful  use  of  nis  splendid 
national  weapon.  With  such  a  force  there,  I  would 
entertoin  no  fears  of  any  attempt  to  diapusseai?  us  of 
the  country.  It  would  then  be,  by  population  and 
the  means  which  I  have  marked  out,  a  part  and 
|)arcel  of  our  Union.  As  such,  it  never  could  be 
conauered.  It  is  differently  situated  now.  But 
Bngland — who,  as  I  have  repeatedly  said,  claims  no 
exclusive  jurisdiction— would  not  war  with  us  for  it, 
under  such  a  state  of  facta,  and  mfist,  therefore,  by 
4ha  laws  of  neceaaity   and  population,  be  quietly 


rooted  out.  Perhaps  her  Hudson  Bay  Compan/ 
would  have  to  bo  remunerated.  The  Maine  treaty 
furnishes  a  precedent  by  which  that  can  readily  bo 
done.  Let  this  be  done,  and  we  shall  have  reafized 
the  prophecy,  and  I  sincerely  believe,  what  was  the 
wiahat  the  time,  of  Lord  Castlereogh,  expressed 
twenty  years  ago  to  our  minister — "Why  are  you 
Americans  so  anxious  to  push  this  negotiation:  In 
a  short  time  you  would  conquer  Oregon  in  your  bed- 
chambers." And  most  assuredly  this  will  not  be 
deemed  treason  in  me,  if  I  say  that  such  a  mode  of 
perfecting  possession  of  that  disputed  land  is  far 
preferable  to  any  more  bloody  issue. 

But,  if  dissatisfied  with  this  course,  Great  Brit- 
ain becomes  alarmed,  and  appeals  to  the  sword, 
then  will  the  memories  uf  every  glorious  battl** 
field,  where  we  have  proven  our  steel  with  her,  an- 
imate our  people  to  do  their  duty.  In  that  event, 
the  West,  nerved  by  a  recollection  of  the  atrocities 
eommitted  at  the  River  Raisin — the  Elast  and  Atlan- 
tic board,  excited  by  a  remembrance  of  this  burning 
Capitol  and  their  dcuulated  towns — and  the  South, 
animated  by  'he  spirit  which,  on  the  plains  of  New 
Orleans,  protected  from  British  lust  and  rapine  its 
"beauty and  booty" — will,  shoulder  to  shoulder,  and 
with  one  common  national  impulse,  rush  to  arms. 
Then,  if  you  please,  let  every  long-unredressed  in- 
jury, inflicted  by  that  haughty  power  upon  the 
weak  in  every  clime,  nerve  our  arms,  and  make 
battle  welcome;  and,  while  the  "fiery  cross"  goe-i 
speeding  round  our  land,  and  our  brothers  gather 
for  the  conflict,  let  our  motto  be — "/Jo  or  die.'" 

In  the  burning  langua<;e  of  the  gallant  Lochiel 
(some  little  altered  to  suit  us,)  and  which  an  Ameri- 
can may  well  quote — then 

"Welcome  be  Cumberland's  steed  to  the  shock, 

Let  him  dash  his  proud  foam  like  a  wave  on  the  rock! 

But  wo  to  his  kindred,  and  wo  to  his  cause, 

When  Columbia'  her  claymore  indignantly  drawn— 

When  her  'panoplied  warriors'  to  victory  crowd— 

The  brare-hearted  and  true— the  dauntless  and  proud— 

'Their  swords  are  a  million,'  their  bosoms  are  one — 

They  are  true  to  the  last  *f  their  blood  and  their  breath, 

And,  like  reapers,  descend  to  the  harvest  of  death." 

That  such  a  fearful  tribunal  for  the  settlement  of 

our  rights  may  never  be  forced  upon  us  is  my  sin. 

cere  prayer,  sir.   But  if  it  must  ever  be  ao,  then 

I  most  ardently  hope,  as  I  believe,  that  the  country 

,  will  be  united  and  resolved  to  do  its  duty. 


I 


# 


■'«'S 

v-f.tJ( 


! 


\y  Compan/ 
ilaine  treaty 
an  readily  be 
hare  realized 
vhat  was  the 
K,  expresBctl 
Vhy  are  you 
[Otiation:  In 
I  in  your  bed- 
is  will  not  be 
ch  a  mode  of 
[  lund  is  far 

3,  Great  Brit- 
)  the  sword, 
irioua  battle- 
with  her,  an- 
n  that  event, 
the  atrocities 
ist  and  Atlan- 
if  this  burning 
d  the  South, 
»lains  of  New 
nd  rapine  its 
shoulder,  and 
rush  to  arms, 
nredressed  m- 
iver  upon  ihe 
ns,  and  mak; 
r  cross"  goes 
others  gather 
i  or  rfie.'" 
llant   Lochie! 
lich  an  Ameri- 


shock, 
on  the  rock! 
se, 

tly  draws— 
Y  crowd — 
ga  and  proud— 
ms  are  one— 
nd  their  breath, 
jtof  death." 

e  settlement  of 
1  us  is  my  sin- 
•r  be  so,  then 
tat  the  country 
duty. 


